THE RIGHT WIN BUT THE LEFT TRIUMPH

Spain has had a year of elections which saw the centre right Partido Popular first sweep the board in the town hall and some regional elections last May before winning an outright majority at the general election at the end of November. This left just two regional government elections to go and both were held on March 25 in Andalucía and Asturias. However all eyes were on Andalucía because it is the largest region in Spain and has also been a socialist stronghold for 30 years: if the government in Sevilla fell into the Partido Popular’s hands then their victory would be complete.

I made the observation after the November general election that although the PP now formed the new government without having to rely on any other party it was a victory built on sand. The country wanted changed and the vote of the ruling socialists, PSOE, collapsed. However the voters did not swing behind the centre right, the majority simply abstained. Hence Mariano Rajoy as prime minister has not enjoyed a lengthy honeymoon with the voters: indeed it was more of a one-night stand. Spain recently had a general strike over the labour reforms just days after the Andalucía general election and a day before “the toughest budget in Spain’s history”. Health and education reforms, or vicious cuts as the left opposition have dubbed them, are on their way: expect a year of anger and discontent.

The true anger and discontent right now though is in the leadership of the Partido Popular. The centre right party did emerge for the first time as the largest in MP terms in Andalucía after the regional election but it will not govern. The combined forces of PSOE and the far left Izquierda Unida easily outgun them but what is more Andalucía didn’t swing to the right it went firmly still further to the left.

The PP managed to grasp defeat from the jaws of victory. Its election strategy and campaign were at fault; it lacked political humility, it was arrogant in its announcements and many of its messages simply lacked credibility.

The result was the centre right party lost the support of 410,000 people in Andalucía between the November general election and Andalucía polling day. Yes it increased its MPs from 47 to 50 but 55 is the absolute majority in the Andalucía parliament. PSOE took 47, the real winners in this election was Izquierda Unida who doubled its MPs to 12, taking the left alliance to 59: well over the victory line.

Here are some key statistics:

The socialists bounced back from their general election hammering in Andalucía were they lost 400,000 votes and 14 seats to be practically tying with the PP.

The PSOE and IU coalition won over 400,000 more votes than the right.

Andalucía has 771 municipalities: PSOE won 554 of them. The socialists won 72 per cent of the villages and towns and seven out of the eight provinces in Andalucía.

Add the PSOE and IU votes and they won in 640 out of the 771 municipalities and 83 per cent of the villages and towns. The left’s combined vote won in all eight provinces.

PSOE won almost three times more municipalities than the PP and when the vote is added to the IU’s the left were the victors in three out of every five.

The startling result is that the socialists have bounced back from defeat in record time and with the far left IU has gone on to triumph in Spain’s largest region. Indeed if you look at the electoral map of Andalucía it is clearly redder than ever before: socialism certainly isn’t dead in southern Spain.

(A version of the above article appeared in The Morning Star on Thursday April 12 2012)

VOTERS SWING BEHIND THE PCE ON ITS 90 TH ANNIVERSARY

This year the Partido Comunista Español celebrates its 90 th anniversary on November 14 just under a week before Spain holds its general election. The PCE could have reasons to celebrate because whilst the centre right Partido Popular will probably become the government the communists now within the Izquierda Unida coalition could well pick up seats in parliament as the PSOE vote collapses.


The Communist Party in Britain has never enjoyed the success of its counterparts in France, Italy or Spain. Communist MPs have been far and few between with just Walton Newbold, Shapurji Saklatvala, Willie Gallacher and Phil Paratin. It has always been left to the Labour Party to represent the working class in the UK with communists often opting to run on the socialist ticket. True the PCE in Spain has had to reinvent itself and now forms the key component of Izquierda Unida. However the far left grouping has numerous councillors, controls major town halls and has MPs in the regional parliaments. At the 2007 elections it returned 2033 councillors but this year that increased to 2628 giving it 58 mayors and hence control of that number of town halls. This makes the IU the third largest national party in Spain and at the heart of the political process with two MPs and two Euro MPs.

I am giving a potted history of the PCE but there will be disputed versions given its fractious, often violent, history – no surprise given the Spanish and international political scenario over those years. A raised fist salute along the way to Rafael Moreno Marín, the PCE organiser in Arriate, who has given me facts and figures.

The Partido Comunista de España is not only an integral part of Izquierda Unida but also plays a major role in the giant CC.OO union. It was born of a schism in PSOE by members unhappy with the social democratic stance of the party who also wanted to partake in Lenin’s Third International. The PCE was a coming together of the Partido Comunista Español and the Partido Comunista Obrero Español. It was formed on November 14 1921 and duly became a member of the Third International hosting its first congress in Sevilla in March 1922. By September 1923 the party was repressed thought not dissolved by the Miguel Primo de Rivera dictatorship.

In November 1925, PCE leaders joined with Comintern officials and leaders of the Catalonian-separatist Estat Català in endorsing a revolutionary program. By the time the Second Republic was declared in 1931 the PCE was in a much weakened state but its first parliamentarian was elected on December 3 1933. Cayetano Bolívar Escribano was in prison at the time and was released to take his seat.

The PCE remained a small party but started to grow with the formation of the Popular Front government in February 1936 of which it was an integral part. Following the start of the Spanish Civil War in July of that year the PCE, led by José Díaz and Dolores Ibárruri ‘La Pasionaria’, worked tirelessly for the Republic and the Popular Front government. The communists found themselves at odds with the popular social revolution and were seen as one of the major movers behind the Barcelona May Days in 1937 when POUM was suppressed. It is said the Soviet Union wanted the Spanish Revolution put down so as not to upset Britain and France whilst facing the Soviet threat. In the early days of the war the PCE is estimated to have grown from 30,000 to 100,000 members and founded a branch of the International Red Aid.

Needless to say after Franco defeated the Republic in April 1939 the PCE was persecuted and became a guerrilla organisation in some parts of Spain. After the signing of the Molotov – Ribbentrop Pact in 1941 the PCE viewed Germany’s aggression in a neutral mode until it attacked the Soviet Union. A large number of the PCE membership were forced in to exile, many joined Russia’s Red Army. France was also home to other Spanish communists where they started organising during the later period of the Franco era. It was at this time it started organising the CC.OO which with the PCE became the backbone of opposition in Spain.

Dolores Ibárruri “La Pasionaria” played a major role in the PCE leading it as General Secretary until 1960. Santiago Carrillo took over the post which he held to 1982 and it was he who steered the PCE away from its Leninist routes on to the Euro Communist path in the process accepting Liberal democracy and a constitutional monarchy in Spain. Many party members regarded this as a “treason” and formed breakaways yet the party held together, was legalised in April 1977, one of the first steps in the Spanish transition to democracy. Within weeks it had 200,000 card holders.

In the 1977 elections, the first of the transition, the PCE received 10 per cent of the vote and repeated the feat in 1979. However in 1982 it went down to defeat and three years later Carrillo was expelled because of his attempts to follow a social democratic path and the party moved away from Euro Communism.

It was in 1986 during the anti-NATO protests that the PCE joined with other left wing groups to form Izquierda Unida including environmentalists. From 1982 to 1988 the General Secretary of IU was Gerardo Iglesias followed by Julio Anguita from 1988 to 1998. This post was then held by Francisco Frutos until 2009 when he was succeeded by José Luis Centella.

Izquierda Unida, which is still dedicated to restoring the Third Republic, now finds itself at the heart of the debate in the economic and financial crisis. The opinion polls indicate that the centre-right Partido Popular will crush the socialist PSOE on November 20. The result will be a massive blow to the left in Spain yet the IU may well become an electoral home for those on the left who reject the widespread political corruption that has gripped PSOE (as well as the PP). It is also at one with those who support the 15M movement, Los Indignados, as well as those battling to have the law changed with regard to property repossessions. This involves those who have lost their homes after they were reposed by the banks – but although homeless they still face massive debts to the mortgage companies.

What is clear that 90 years on the PCE is still at the heart of the debate and could be one of the big winners on November 20 when it could return between 10 and 15 MPs to Congress, Spain’s lower chamber of parliament.

(Versions of the above article appeared in The Morning Star and London Progressive Journal on Monday November 14 2011).